Philanthropy News Digest
January 14, 2014
In the four years since a massive earthquake devastated
Haiti, the
American Red Cross
has spent, committed, or allocated about 86 percent of the $486 million
donated to assist more than 4.3 million survivors and help build the
country's capacity to respond to future disasters, the organization
reports.
According to
Haiti Earthquake Response: Four-Year Update
(4 pages, PDF), the emergency relief organization has spent $144
million of the $186.6 million allocated to provide shelter to nearly
109,000 people; invested $65.8 million in healthcare services and
infrastructure, including construction of and/or operational funding for
eight medical facilities; and disbursed the $66.1 million allocated for
emergency relief efforts. The organization also has spent $49.4 million
of the $56.1 million allocated to provide clean water and sanitation
services for more than 556,000 people; $44.1 million of the $45 million
committed to bolstering disaster preparedness in Haiti; $32.4 million of
the $39.5 million allocated to livelihoods assistance for more than
383,000 survivors; and $19.5 million of the $27.9 million committed to
cholera response and prevention efforts, including the country's first
cholera vaccination campaign.
In addition, ARC field staff and
volunteers have collected data from a rural area in northern Haiti where
the organization recently launched a program to strengthen communities
and the ability of the local Red Cross chapter to serve those
communities. Going forward, ARC will work with the communities to
analyze and prioritize the challenges they face and identify ways to
address them.
"The American Red Cross has supported the wide range
of ongoing needs over the past four years with programs that include
the relocation of vulnerable camp residents to safer homes, construction
of hospitals and clinics, and economic programs to help people earn
money and rebuild businesses," said ARC president and CEO Gail McGovern.
"Recovery from such a devastating disaster takes time, so our programs
have evolved to address changing community needs. The American Red Cross
continues to utilize the generous donations wisely, efficiently and
thoughtfully to help Haitians recover and rebuild their lives."
"Red Cross Issues Four-Year Report on Haiti Earthquake Work." American Red Cross Press Release 01/08/2014.
By Amadi Ajamu
March 30, 2010
This video was posted on YouTube April 1 by
teslakontrol,
who wrote, “After the Red Cross released a two-month report
saying that they spent $106 million in Haiti, I went to look for
evidence that it was actually spent in Haiti.”
As the Haitian people brace themselves for the hurricane and rainy
season with no shelter and no supplies for millions, the United States,
France, Canada and other nations are attending the United Nations
Donors Conference on Wednesday, March 31. At the conference, these
wealthy nations will “donate” funds to over 3,000 non-governmental
organizations, most of them headquartered in their own countries. They
are in effect paying themselves.
The American Red Cross has already admitted to financing its own debt
with donations given for Haiti relief. According to its official report
on the first two months since the devastating Jan. 12 earthquake, they
collected over $354 million for Haiti but have spent only $106 million.
Yet only half of the 1.3 million people made homeless by the quake have
even a tarp as the rainy season begins.
Demanding an independent accounting, the Friday Haiti Relief
Coalition protested at the American Red Cross headquarters in New York
City on March 22. They’ll repeat that demand on Wednesday, March 31, at
the United Nations in Dag Hammarskjold Plaza, 47th Street and First
Avenue, during the Haiti Donors Conference at 9:30 a.m. and 1:30 p.m.
Another key demand is that Haitians must determine for themselves how
they want to rebuild their nation.
In Haiti, recent rain presages the heavy tropical downpours of the
coming rainy season and the hurricanes that may follow. In addition to
the nearly 300,000 who died in the earthquake or from their wounds,
thousands more could die this spring from exposure and water-borne
disease. Time is of essence. Shelter is needed now.
Where is all the money going? That was the burning question asked by
the crowd that converged on the doorstep of the American Red Cross on
March 22 led by the Friday Haiti Relief Coalition. The coalition was
organized by the December 12th Movement days after the earthquake and
has raised funds and delivered a tractor trailer full of water to
Leogane, Haiti. A second trip is being planned now.
With young people in the lead, the December 12th Movement’s Friday
Haiti Relief Coalition turned out in force – in the rain – March 22 on
the doorstep of American Red Cross headquarters in New York City to
demand that all the money donated for Haiti be spent in Haiti now –
especially for shelter from the rain. Extraordinary teachers in the
movement encouraging students to stand up and speak out for Haiti is
people’s education in action! – Photo: Amadi Ajamu
“We have been on the ground and we know the people are in need of
shelter. The money collected by the Red Cross for Haiti is not getting
there. We are tired of the excuses. That’s our blood down there and our
money. We demand immediate shelter for our people,” said coalition
member April Raiford.
Red Cross personnel nervously scampered back and forth as the protesters chanted, “Stop stealing the money! Where’s the money!”
Omowale Clay of the December 12th Movement said: “We will keep
organizing and mobilizing our people until the Haitian people get
shelter and supplies. The American Red Cross has not been held
accountable for the hundreds of millions they have collected in the name
of Haiti and we won’t let them off the hook. They did the same thing
during Hurricane Katrina in New Orleans. The money donated to Haiti is
for the people in Haiti, not the Red Cross CEO and executive
bureaucrats. Haiti needs shelter now!”
The Friday Haiti Relief Coalition also has a committee looking into
the possibility of a class action lawsuit against the American Red
Cross. The coalition meets every Friday at 6:30 p.m. at Sistas’ Place,
456 Nostrand Ave., Brooklyn, NY. For more information, call (718)
398-1766.
Amadi Ajamu can be reached at amadi4@aol.com.
By Clarence Page, Chicago Tribune
January 29, 2012
"Haiti:
Where Did the Money Go?" is a documentary by independent filmmaker Michele
Mitchell that has been airing on PBS stations across the country.
Produced
by her New York-based company Film At 11, the film paints a very grim
picture of how much obviously has not been done. In a camp of 5,000
people, for example, only six toilets are provided — and no one to clean
them. In separate visits on the first and second anniversaries of the
quake, Mitchell found the camp's conditions actually had gotten worse.
"This
is not just about Haiti," Mitchell told me after a screening before
congressmen on Capitol Hill. "It's about the need for real reform.
Because when you give money to a do-good organization, you expect them
to do good with it. We need to do better."
The film upset the
American Red Cross with its implications of ineffectiveness and
allegations of a lack of transparency. The organization released a
statement charging the film with "inaccuracies." But after talking with
David B. Meltzer, the organization's senior vice president for
international services, I think the dispute boils down mainly to
differences of opinion and emphasis. The Red Cross understandably wants
to focus on the people it has helped. The film's focus, like mine, is on
how many people the NGOs have missed, and why.
Haiti's
earthquake, he pointed out, is the largest urban disaster since the end
of World War II. It left 1.5 million people homeless in a city that
already had hundreds of thousands living in squalor
. The donations have
been generous, but they don't begin to cover the total costs of Haiti's
recovery.
"We've had big challenges," he said, "but we've also had big
successes."
True enough. But on the question of where the money
went, Meltzer, like other officials, proudly directed me to the Red
Cross website, where they freely disclose information required by law.
Unfortunately, the law doesn't require many useful details, such as how
much was spent on specific items like food, water and latrine services
or where the money was spent.
It
also doesn't address larger questions that have been raised about how
disaster aid is delivered by NGOs like the Red Cross, which has been
forced to defend itself many times in the past against critics of its
relief efforts after disasters like Hurricane Katrina and last year's
earthquake and tsunami in Japan.
Mitchell's film was defended by
at least one watchdog group, the Center for Economic and Policy
Research, which also called for more disclosure and accountability by
the Red Cross. Congressional hearings and oversight, which Red Cross
officials say they welcome, would be an appropriate place to start.
Haitians ask the same question as many around the world “Where did the money go?”
AlterNet
January 3, 2012
Haiti, a close neighbor of the US with over nine million people, was
devastated by earthquake on January 12, 2010. Hundreds of thousands
were killed and many more wounded.
The UN estimated international donors gave Haiti over $1.6 billion
in relief aid since the earthquake (about $155 per Haitian) and over $2
billion in recovery aid (about $173 per Haitian) over the last two
years.
Yet Haiti looks like the earthquake happened two months ago, not
two years. Over half a million people remain homeless in hundreds of
informal camps, most of the tons of debris from destroyed buildings
still lays where it fell, and cholera, a preventable disease, was
introduced into the country and is now an epidemic killing thousands and
sickening hundreds of thousands more.
It turns out that almost none of the money that the general public
thought was going to Haiti actually went directly to Haiti. The
international community chose to bypass the Haitian people, Haitian
non-governmental organizations and the government of Haiti. Funds were
instead diverted to other governments, international NGOs, and private
companies.
Despite this near total lack of control of the money by Haitians,
if history is an indication, it is quite likely that the failures will
ultimately be blamed on the Haitians themselves in a “blame the victim”
reaction.
Haitians ask the same question as many around the world “Where did the money go?”
Here are seven places where the earthquake money did and did not go.
One. The largest single recipient of US
earthquake money was the US government. The same holds true for
donations by other countries.
Right after the earthquake, the US allocated $379 million in aid
and sent in 5000 troops. The Associated Press discovered that of the
$379 million in initial US money promised for Haiti, most was not really
money going directly, or in some cases even indirectly, to Haiti. They
documented in January 2010 that thirty three cents of each of these US
dollars for Haiti was actually given directly back to the US to
reimburse ourselves for sending in our military. Forty two cents of
each dollar went to private and public non-governmental organizations
like Save the Children, the UN World Food Program and the Pan American
Health Organization. Hardly any went directly to Haitians or their
government.
The overall $1.6 billion allocated for relief by the US was spent
much the same way according to an August 2010 report by the US
Congressional Research Office: $655 million was reimbursed to the
Department of Defense; $220 million to Department of Health and Human
Services to provide grants to individual US states to cover services for
Haitian evacuees; $350 million to USAID disaster assistance; $150
million to the US Department of Agriculture for emergency food
assistance; $15 million to the Department of Homeland Security for
immigration fees, and so on.
International assistance followed the same pattern.
The UN Special
Envoy for Haiti reported that of the $2.4 billion in humanitarian
funding, 34 percent was provided back to the donor’s own civil and
military entities for disaster response, 28 percent was given to UN
agencies and non-governmental agencies (NGOs) for specific UN projects,
26 percent was given to private contractors and other NGOs, 6 percent
was provided as in-kind services to recipients,
5 percent to the
international and national Red Cross societies, 1 percent was provided
to the government of Haiti, four tenths of one percent of the funds went
to Haitian NGOs.
Two. Only 1 percent of the money went to the Haitian government.
Less than a penny of each dollar of US aid went to the government
of Haiti, according to the Associated Press. The same is true with
other international donors. The Haitian government was completely
bypassed in the relief effort by the US and the international community.
Three. Extremely little went to Haitian companies or Haitian non-governmental organizations.
The Center for Economic and Policy Research, the absolute best
source for accurate information on this issue, analyzed all the 1490
contracts awarded by the US government after the January 2010 earthquake
until April 2011 and found only 23 contracts went to Haitian
companies. Overall the US had awarded $194 million to contractors, $4.8
million to the 23 Haitian companies, about 2.5 percent of the total.
On the other hand, contractors from the Washington DC area received $76
million or 39.4 percent of the total. As noted above, the UN documented
that only four tenths of one percent of international aid went to
Haitian NGOs.
In fact Haitians had a hard time even getting into international
aid meetings. Refugees International reported that locals were having a
hard time even getting access to the international aid operational
meetings inside the UN compound. “Haitian groups are either unaware of
the meetings, do not have proper photo-ID passes for entry, or do not
have the staff capacity to spend long hours at the compound.” Others
reported that most of these international aid coordination meetings were
not even being translated into Creole, the language of the majority of
the people of Haiti!
Four. A large percentage of the money went to
international aid agencies, and big well connected non-governmental
organizations (NGOs).
The American Red Cross received over $486 million in donations for
Haiti. It says two-thirds of the money has been contracted to relief
and recovery efforts,
though specific details are difficult to come by. The CEO of American Red Cross has a salary of over $500,000 per year.
Look at the $8.6 million joint contract between the US Agency for
International Development (USAID) with the private company CHF for
debris removal in Port au Prince. CHF is politically well-connected
international development company with annual budget of over $200
million whose CEO was paid $451,813 in 2009. CHF’s connection to
Republicans and Democrats is illustrated by its board secretary, Lauri
Fitz-Pegado, a partner with the Livingston Group LLC. The Livingston
Group is headed by the former Republican Speaker-designate for the
106th Congress, Bob Livingston, doing lobbying and government
relations. Ms. Fitz-Pegado, who apparently works the other side of the
aisle, was appointed by President Clinton to serve in the Department of
Commerce and served as a member of the foreign policy expert advisor
team on the Obama for President Campaign. CHF “works in Haiti out of
two spacious mansions in Port au Prince and maintains a fleet of brand
new vehicles” according to Rolling Stone.
Rolling Stone, in an excellent article by Janet Reitman, reported
on another earthquake contract, a $1.5 million contract to the NY based
consulting firm Dalberg Global Development Advisors. The article found
Dalberg’s team “had never lived overseas, didn’t have any disaster
experience or background in urban planning… never carried out any
program activities on the ground…” and only one of them spoke French.
USAID reviewed their work and found that “it became clear that these
people may not have even gotten out of their SUVs.”
Presidents George W. Bush and Bill Clinton announced a fundraising
venture for Haiti on January 16, 2010. As of October 2011, the fund had
received $54 million in donations. It has partnered with several
Haitian and international organizations. Though most of its work
appears to be admirable, it has donated $2 million to the construction
of a Haitian $29 million for-profit luxury hotel.
“The NGOs still have something to respond to about their
accountability, because there is a lot of cash out there,” according to
Nigel Fisher, the UN’s chief humanitarian officer in Haiti.
“What about
the $1.5 to $2 billion that the Red Cross and NGOs got from ordinary
people, and matched by governments? What’s happened to that? And
that’s where it’s very difficult to trace those funds.”
Five. Some money went to for profit companies whose business is disasters.
Less than a month after the quake hit, the US Ambassador Kenneth
Merten sent a cable titled “THE GOLD RUSH IS ON” as part of his
situation report to Washington. In this February 1, 2010 document, made
public by The Nation, Haiti Liberte and Wikileaks, Ambassador Merten
reported the President of Haiti met with former General Wesley Clark for
a sales presentation for a Miami-based company that builds foam core
houses.
Capitalizing on the disaster, Lewis Lucke, a high ranking USAID
relief coordinator, met twice in his USAID capacity with the Haitian
Prime Minister immediately after the quake. He then quit the agency and
was hired for $30,000 a month by a Florida corporation Ashbritt (known
already for its big no bid Katrina grants) and a prosperous Haitian
partner to lobby for disaster contracts. Locke said “it became clear to
us that if it was handled correctly the earthquake represented as much
an opportunity as it did a calamity…” Ashbritt and its Haitian partner
were soon granted a $10 million no bid contract. Lucke said he was
instrumental in securing another $10 million contract from the World
Bank and another smaller one from CHF International before their
relationship ended.
Six. A fair amount of the pledged money has never been actually put up.
The international community decided it was not going to allow the
Haiti government to direct the relief and recovery funds and insisted
that two institutions be set up to approve plans and spending for the
reconstruction funds going to Haiti. The first was the Interim Haiti
Recovery Commission (IHRC) and the second is the Haiti Reconstruction
Fund (HRF).
In March 2010, UN countries pledged $5.3 billion over two years and
a total of $9.9 billion over three years in a conference March 2010.
The money was to be deposited with the World Bank and distributed by the
IHRC. The IHRC was co-chaired by Bill Clinton and the Haitian Prime
Minister. By July 2010, Bill Clinton reported only 10 percent of the
pledges had been given to the IHRC.
Seven. A lot of the money which was put up has not yet been spent.
Nearly two years after the quake, less than 1 percent of the $412
million in US funds specifically allocated for infrastructure
reconstruction activities in Haiti had been spent by USAID and the US
State Department and only 12 percent has even been obligated according
to a November 2011 report by the US Government Accountability Office
(GAO).
The performance of the two international commissions, the IHRC and
the HRF has also been poor. The Miami Herald noted that as of July
2011, the $3.2 billion in projects approved by the IHRC only five had
been completed for a total of $84 million. The Interim Haiti Recovery
Commission (IHRC), which was severely criticized by Haitians and others
from its beginning, has been effectively suspended since its mandate
ended at the end of October 2011. The Haiti Reconstruction Fund was set
up to work in tandem with the IHRC, so while its partner is suspended,
it is not clear how it can move forward.
What to do
The effort so far has not been based a respectful partnership
between Haitians and the international community. The actions of the
donor countries and the NGOs and international agencies have not been
transparent so that Haitians or others can track the money and see how
it has been spent. Without transparency and a respectful partnership
the Haitian people cannot hold anyone accountable for what has happened
in their country. That has to change.
The UN Special Envoy to Haiti suggests the generous instincts of
people around the world must be channeled by international actors and
institutions in a way that assists in the creation of a “robust public
sector and a healthy private sector.” Instead of giving the money to
intermediaries, funds should be directed as much as possible to Haitian
public and private institutions. A “Haiti First” policy could
strengthen public systems, promote accountability, and create jobs and
build skills among the Haitian people.
Respect, transparency and accountability are the building blocks
for human rights. Haitians deserve to know where the money has gone,
what the plans are for the money still left, and to be partners in the
decision-making for what is to come.
After all, these are the people who will be solving the problems when the post-earthquake relief money is gone.
New Internationalist Magazine
Issue 449
The Haitian earthquake prompted
an outpouring of generosity –
international donations totalled
more than $10 billion. But, two
years on, have those funds
been well spent? Nick Harvey investigates.
The thousands of Haitians who took to
the streets in December, waving banners and
chanting the unequivocal message ‘
UN, go
home!’ could be accused of biting the hand that
feeds them. After all, Haiti currently relies on
the UN and non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) to provide 80 per cent of its basic
services. But the outpouring of anger, though
partly in response to the cholera epidemic that
was likely brought into Haiti by UN troops from
Nepal, was also a result of wider frustrations
with the painfully slow relief effort and the
general state of the country. For despite billions
having been pledged in aid since the 2010
earthquake, the lives of the majority of Haitians
remain woefully threadbare.
‘Two years on and you have nearly half
a million people still in tents or tarps,
some 7,000 dead from cholera and
hundreds of thousands more infected,’
says Ben Smilowitz, head of the Disaster
Accountability Project, a non-partisan aid
organization watchdog. ‘They’ve had to
live through two hurricane seasons like this,
which is simply unacceptable given the amount
of money that was donated.’
Immediately after the quake,
NGO
fundraisers got to work and the money surged
in. Ordinary people around the world dug
deep and, along with pledges from foreign
governments and other international donors,
around $10 billion was raised. The thousands
of NGOs already embedded in the country
– more per capita than anywhere else in the
world – began a massive relief effort, loosely
co-ordinated by the
UN. It was a daunting
task, due both to the enormity of the disaster
and the weakness of local institutions. But
two years later, with only a fraction of the
estimated million internally displaced people
(IDPs) rehoused and few signs of any real
reconstruction, many are wondering where,
exactly, all that money went.
Only 40 per
cent of the $5.6
billion pledged
by foreign
governments to
be used in the
first 18 months
had been
dispersed by
September 2011
‘The NGOs frittered most of the money
away because they had to,’ says
Haiti expert Tim Schwartz,
author of
Travesty in Haiti. ‘None
of them were in the position to
spend that kind of cash but there
was an awful lot of pressure for
them to use it. Much of it went
on salaries, accommodation and
transport for the
NGO workers themselves.’
One of the biggest problems
was that much of the money
failed to reach Haiti. Only 40 per
cent of the $5.6 billion pledged
by foreign governments to be used
in the first 18 months had been
dispersed by September 2011.
‘Aid organizations see disasters
as a huge fundraising opportunity and they will
raise money whether they can deliver it or not,’
says Ben Smilowitz. ‘If they can’t deliver the
services then they will take a nine or ten per cent
cut and pass the money to another organization.
This can happen numerous times before it gets
to where it should be, so the amount they end
up with is a fraction of what was actually raised.’
Brand recognition
One of the most notorious examples of this
disparity in the delivery of funds came from
the American Red Cross. Despite collecting
$255 million in private donations, only $106
million made it to its Haiti relief project. When
the earthquake struck, the organization had
just 15 staff members working there. Compare
this with Partners in Health, another
NGO
which, despite having 5,000 (mostly Haitian)
staff, received less than $40 million. NGOs
come in all shapes and sizes – and can have very
different approaches.
‘Simply put, the wrong groups raised the
most money in Haiti,’ explains Ben Smilowitz.
‘Groups that may not even be in Haiti and
have very little capacity to deliver get the cash
because of their incredible brand recognition.’
And while billions of dollars have undoubtedly
managed to filter through, a lack of interaction
between NGOs and locals means very little of it
ends up in Haitian hands. Studies have shown
that only 2.3 per cent of reconstruction aid
went to Haitian firms. Haitians have, in many
ways, simply been excluded from the rebuilding
of their own country.
‘The structure of the humanitarian system
works against the actual participation of local
people,’ says Mark Schuller, an anthropologist
working in Haiti and co-editor of
Tectonic
Shifts: Haiti since the Earthquake. ‘Decisions
are made in Brussels, London, Washington and
Ottawa. The
UN Logistics Base was a place
where Haitians were simply not invited, even
government members, and within NGOs you
have decisions made in English that often can’t
be communicated to the creole
speakers on the ground.’
‘Youn ede lòt’
While Haitians remain frozen out
from the reconstruction process,
it shouldn’t be forgotten that the
first response to the emergency
came from the Haitian people
themselves. Demonstrating the
country’s longstanding tradition
of
youn ede lòt (‘helping each
other’), it was Haitians who leapt
into action after those devastating
35 seconds that tore down their
country on 12 January 2010.
‘When the earthquake first
happened there was a lot of solidarity
among Haitians,’ says Prospery Raymond, head
of Christian Aid in Haiti. ‘I was under the rubble
for two hours and it was the local youth who
risked their lives to get me out. Thousands of
people were saved by fellow Haitians that day.’
‘Now is the
time for the
international
community to
help Haitians
do what they
really want
to do, rather
than carry on
with these
pre-prepared
projects from
abroad’
Prospery argues that the most successful aid
initiatives have been those that forwarded funds
straight to Haitians. ‘After the earthquake we
distributed cash directly to those who needed it,’
he says. ‘It was crucial that they got this money
because there was food available at the markets,
so people could eat and it helped keep the local
economy afloat.’ Christian Aid aims to work with
local partners rather than, as many other agencies
do, sending in teams of foreign ‘experts’.
The absence of a functioning government
prevented Haitians from taking more of a lead in
their own affairs after the earthquake. A lengthy
and disputed presidential election – followed by
a five-month delay in forming a new government
– had a huge impact on the first year of the
reconstruction process. The lack of government
structure, combined with a
US policy stretching
back to the 1980s that favoured putting aid
into the hands of NGOs rather than Haitian
presidents, meant that only one per cent of the aid
went to the Haitian government. Now that a new government is in place, there is hope that Haiti
can begin to take control of its own future.
‘Now is the time for the international
community to help Haitians do what they really
want to do, rather than carry on with these preprepared
projects from abroad,’ says Prospery
Raymond. ‘They need to work closely with
the government to help strengthen its capacity,
because NGOs are not the long-term solution.’
Others agree that this should have been the
approach from the start.
‘Donors such as the European Union and
USAID, and their contracting NGOs, could
have changed the rules of the game so that they
rewarded local participation,’ says Mark Schuller.
‘They could have imposed a tax on their own
aid – say, three per cent – and used that money
to support government ministries that are
performing well but are understaffed.’
As well as political instability, other reasons
for lack of progress in reconstruction and
resettlement commonly cited by NGOs are
long customs delays for materials at the airport
and the diversion of funds to deal with the
cholera epidemic. Delays clearing the rubble and
problems determining who owns land (which
makes it difficult to find places to build houses)
are also regularly blamed for reconstruction
inactivity. But others argue that these excuses do
not stand up to interrogation.
‘Most of these problems could have been
resolved with collective public solutions,’ says
Mark Schuller. ‘Take the land tenure issue,
one of the so-called biggest barriers. The
government and the donors could have arranged
local hearings to see who really owns the land,
but these things have simply not been made a priority.’
Time bomb
Many working within the
NGO sector argue
that the criticism directed towards them is
unfair. They say that talk of a lack of progress is
misdirected due to both the sheer enormity of the task and the unique history and circumstances
surrounding the disaster.
‘If you’re going to accuse people of being
slow, then you have to have some real-life
comparisons to back this up,’ says Philippe
Verstraeten, head of the
UN Office for the Coordination
of Humanitarian Affairs in Haiti. ‘If
you compare it to either Ground Zero in New
York or the Asian tsunami two years on, then
progress in Haiti hasn’t been that slow. We’ve
cleared half the rubble, we’ve reduced the
number of people in camps from 1.5 million
to around half a million, and we’ve provided
shelter for 125,000 families, which is significant progress.’
Facing off. This clash
happened in the wake of
elections but there is also
popular dissatisfaction
with the behaviour of
UN troops, including
numerous allegations of
sexual assault.
Allison Shelley / Reuters
But of the families that have been provided
with shelter, only 25,000 are in permanent
housing; the remaining 100,000 are still living
in short-term transitional shelters. And some
argue that the reason the number of people in the
camps has significantly reduced is that they have
become fed up of waiting to be rehoused and
have returned to their damaged homes.
‘Most people are back in their houses, even
the ones that are marked as ‘red’ [so damaged
that they require demolition],’ says Tim
Schwartz. ‘It’s a little late to talk about fixing
houses now, because the big opportunity to do
this properly has passed.’
With families forced to return to their battered
homes and others choosing to rebuild their own
homes rather than wait any longer, many remain
severely vulnerable. With funding running dry,
aid agencies are beginning to leave, yet there is
a real sense that Haiti is in no better position
should another disaster strike.
‘It’s like a time bomb,’ says Schwartz. ‘As
well as the houses being unable to face another
earthquake, all the exact same social problems are
still there. It’s like they’ve just put a Band-Aid on
it until the next disaster, when the same thing will
happen all over again, like a nightmare
déjà vu.’
Filmmaker Michele Mitchell presented her documentary, “Haiti: Where Did the Money Go?” at a congressional briefing sponsored
by Rep. Yvette Clarke, Rep. Barbara Lee, and Rep. Donald M. Payne (CEPR
Co-Director Mark Weisbrot spoke at the briefing, and CEPR helped to
publicize the event.) Through visits to Haiti in 2010 and 2011 in which
she conducted interviews with IDP camp residents, NGO spokespersons, aid
workers, and others, and through other background research, Mitchell
examines why so many people (currently half-a-million) remain stuck in
tent camps with few services, despite the billions of dollars pledged
for relief following the earthquake. The film is currently airing on
dozens of PBS stations around the U.S.
One NGO that Mitchell focuses on, in interviews, and in on-the-ground
examination of the situation in IDP camps, is the Red Cross. Mitchell
notes that the Red Cross is the biggest NGO operating in Haiti, and
American Red Cross (ARC) Senior Vice President International Services
David Meltzer is provided with a significant portion of screen time to
explain the Red Cross’ activities in Haiti, and why some services – such
as shelter and sanitation – appear to be so sorely lacking. As the
Huffington Post’s Laura Bassett
describes:
A senior Red Cross official for international aid is interviewed
extensively throughout the film, and Mitchell said she repeatedly asked
ARC to answer questions and corroborate facts during the production
process.
Despite the prominent role that Meltzer has in the film, and
Mitchell’s apparent reaching out to the organization, staff from the
American Red Cross attended the briefing yesterday, handing out copies
of a document titled “Correcting Film@11’s Errors and Distortions on the
Haiti Response” (which we have posted
here in PDF format). The several ARC staffers from the Washington office also interrupted a panelist (see
video here,
at 50:40) by complaining that the film was imbalanced and that Meltzer
was not given sufficient notice ahead of the event (he was invited six
days earlier, according to organizers).
But most of the “inaccuracies” to which the ARC refers actually
appear to be differences of opinion, or different interpretations of
observations on the ground. Despite the good deal of screen time Meltzer
receives in the film, the ARC suggests,
according to the Huffington Post,
that its services were not “presented in a balanced and accurate
manner,” and has reportedly urged PBS stations not to show the
documentary. The ARC’s
handout even goes so far as to refer to “Haiti: Where Did the Money Go?” as a “so-called documentary.”
Of course, scrutiny and criticism of the Red Cross’ efforts in post-quake Haiti are not new; this blog has
chronicled some of them
going back to just months after the quake. And Mitchell’s questions,
and overall conclusion that the recovery and reconstruction effort has
failed many Haitians is not a unique one. Most
two-year retrospectives in the media this month made many of the same points.
Mitchell told the
Huffington Post:
“The thing is, I went to Haiti twice ten months after the earthquake
to see what was happening, and then at the 20-month mark, and we have
pictures,” she told HuffPost. “The camp situation had deteriorated.
There were camps of 5,000 people with six toilets between them. There
were millions of people in tents during the hurricane, and they were
terrified. I like happy endings, and I wish I could report that
‘disaster relief 2.0′ had worked, but the picture tells a different
story.”
Portions of the film were previously available as
web reports,
yet “ARC spokesperson Laura Howe said people at the organization were
‘blindsided’ by Mitchell’s film and disappointed that they weren’t able
to see it before it was delivered to PBS.”
But Red Cross staff in Haiti have not always been willing to talk to
journalists, as Aljazeera’s Sebastian Walker shows in his September 2011
report, “
Haiti After the Quake”.
His attempts to interview Red Cross staff on camera at one IDP camp are
rebuffed; the men get into a car and drive away. Mitchell, as
described, had much better luck, interviewing Meltzer at length.
So what does the Red Cross find so objectionable?
First, the
ARC takes issue
with the statement that “The money was raised quickly and the clear
implication is that it would be spent quickly,” saying, “The American
Red Cross repeatedly informed the public and donors
in writing
that its relief and recovery efforts in Haiti would last three to five
years.” This may be true, but it was appeals stressing emergency relief
that doubtlessly reached the great majority of people who gave to the
ARC in the days and weeks following the quake, when presumably the ARC
raised the majority of funds for Haiti relief. Third party appeals also
stressed this, such as from the
White House (“You can also help immediately by donating to the Red Cross”) and
CNN
(“The American Red Cross’ primary focus during the initial response of
an emergency is food, shelter and meeting other basic needs”).
The ARC objects to the narration, “We see tarps but they are torn. We
did see pots, but many were being sold for food,” stating “The global
Red Cross network distributed more than 1 million relief items such as
tarps, tents and kitchen sets in Haiti. We continued to distribute tarps
to camps up until the fall of 2011.” But the expected life span of a
tarp is six months at most; the majority of the 500,000 people who
remain displaced will continue to need new ones, as long as they are
forced to live under them. Shelter provision has been woefully lacking
for the great majority of IDP camp residents.
The ARC takes issue with the statement, “We did see water but most
wasn’t clean enough to drink,” which in the context of the film refers
to water in IDP camps. Surprisingly, the ARC says that it s “has never
received a report – substantiated or unsubstantiated – that ‘most’ of
the water ‘wasn’t clean enough to drink.” The ARC is part of the Water
Sanitation and Hygiene Response (WASH) Cluster, so it should receive
updated information on potable water from the UN, including bulletins
from the Office for Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs, which
reported in October 2011
[PDF] that “In August, only 7 per cent of the people [in IDP camps] had
regular access to drinking water, compared to 48 per cent in March.”
But even worse, as shown in this
Aljazeera report,
there are camp residents who reported becoming ill after drinking water
provided by the Red Cross. Ricardo Caivano, country director in Haiti
for the American Red Cross, admitted in the Aljazeera interview that the
water the ARC was delivering was not necessarily safe to drink, and
that the Red Cross recommended boiling it first.
The ARC claims it “false” to say that “No one knows how credible or
effective NGOs are because they don’t report to anyone,” saying the ARC
“is congressionally chartered, is audited, must file annual tax returns
with the IRS, is monitored by watchdog groups and is transparent with
the public and donors who entrust their contributions with us.”
But to our knowledge, the ARC does not report to any authorities in
Haiti about its activities. It is also ironic to note that ARC cites
that it “is monitored by watchdog groups” in its defense. While audits
of NGOs generally make sure the numbers add up, they don’t audit
effectiveness or what percent of funds are spent on in-country overhead,
for instance. The same can be said for the IRS Form 990 which NGOs fill
out. While it is interesting to see that the CEO of the Red Cross
received a million dollars in reported income, it tells you nothing
about specific relief efforts.
The trend seems to be for the ARC to have become less transparent about its activities in Haiti. An
NPR report
on Haiti this month stated, “A spokeswoman for the American Red Cross
declined to provide a local overhead breakdown.” Although ARC did
provide the
Chronicle of Philanthropy with updated numbers
on money “pledged or spent” on Haiti relief and reconstruction in 2011,
a “spokeswoman declined to specify what share has actually gone out the
door.” Perhaps this is because last year in talking to the
Chronicle,
there was an almost $100 million difference between the amount the ARC
said was “committed” to be spent in 2010, and how much actually was
spent – a huge sum by any standard. (The
Chronicle reported last year that the ARC “expects to have committed $245-million by the one-year anniversary of the earthquake.” They ended up
spending only $148.5 million.)
One
aid shortfall that the film focuses on is provision of latrines. The
ARC used to provide updates on how many latrines they have built in
Haiti, which
have been pretty few, but has not done so since 2010. Their
one-year report [PDF] after the earthquake stated simply that they had built “hundreds of latrines.” Their
two-year report
[PDF] uses a much more vague figure, stating that “364,300 people
benefited from water and sanitation activities”. “Water and sanitation
activities” is a very broad category, and the ARC does not break down
this number further, to describe how people might have benefited.
The ARC objects to the “Claim that ‘the Red Cross is the decision
maker’ in Camp Caradeux, calling it a “false conclusion.” But the
filmmakers do not make this claim; this is a statement made by Wilma
Vital, actually a resident of camp Toussaint L’Ouverture, which is
comprised of former Camp Carradeux residents who were forcibly displaced
and who do not enjoy the T-shelters, latrines, or other services now
available in neighboring Camp Carradeux.
The Red Cross is the biggest NGO in Haiti. Wilma’s statement that the
Red Cross “is the decision maker” where she lives, in a camp badly in
need of more and better services, is her opinion, and certainly one that
has merit.
The ARC objects to the statement that “NGOs effectively shut out the
overwhelming majority of the public by holding meetings and discussions
in English and French, not Creole, the language of the people of Haiti.”
But the ARC’s response doesn’t even address this claim, as it refers
only to the ARC’s efforts to distribute a selection of texts in Creole.
As the ARC must realize, the claim here is a reference to the meetings
of NGOs within the UN Cluster system – where key discussions on
coordinating efforts on issues like shelter, water distribution and
rural needs take place. These discussions – as everyone, including the
Red Cross, is well aware – take place in French and English only.
Overall, the ARC’s response to the film is unfortunate, in that it
appears defensive – an attempt at saving face instead of a sincere
evaluation of both successes and shortcomings. If the ARC truly welcomes
the tracking of its efforts “by watchdog groups,” it should welcome the
questions raised in the Film@11 documentary. Hopefully the film will
lead to a more productive debate on the role of NGO’s in Haiti’s relief
and reconstruction process where it is, after all, the well being of the
people of Haiti — and the country’s future capacity to be sovereign and
independent — that should always be the main concern.